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Nations and ethnicity in humanities and social sciences. Ethnic, protonational and national narratives: formation and representation / ed. by A. Ch. Daudov & S. E. Fyodorov. Saint-Petersburg: Aletheia, 2017. 398 p.

The symposium comprises the collection of the materials of the second international conference Ethnic, protonational and national narratives: formation and representation (Saint Petersburg State University, February, 2426, 2015). The symposium is dedicated to a variety of narratives and their instrumental capacities in different periods, from the Middle Ages to Contemporary history. Such chronological and geographical scope is due to the possibility of identifying of the universal scenarios of constructing and representing narratives.

The materials of the conference will be of interest to historians, political or social scientists, philologists and scholars of the cultural studies as well as those who are concerned with the issues of ethnicity and nationalism.



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* * *

 94

  . . . ., , -  , -.

SERGEY FYODOROV. PhD, Professor, Saint Petersburg State University, Saint Petersburg. E-mail: s.fedorov(a)spbu.ru



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                    .      (      )   ,  ,          .

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THE GAELS OF THE SCOTTISH DAL RIATA: METAMORPHOSES OF AN ETHNIC SCENARIO

This paper verifies different versions of the foundation myth of the Scottish Dal Riata with a particular reference to the legend developed in Senchus Fer n-Alban. It traces the influence of the Irish legends (De Moccaib Conaire and De Sil Chonairi Mr) on Senchus and lays special emphasis on their adaptation in the newly articulated foundation story of Dal Riata.

Keywords: Dark Age Scotland, Dal Riata, Gaelic kindreds; foundation legend; ethnic scenario.



 

1. .     / . . . . : , 2001. URL: http://www.vostlit.info/Texts/rus5/Beda/frametextl.htm (   01.06.2015)

2. . .,  . .  . .:  , 2014. 352 .

3.Amra Choluim Grille // Vernam E. Arnra Choluim Grille // Zeitschrift fur celtische Philologie. 1961. Vol.28. P.24251.

4.Amra Choluimb Grille // Stokes W. The Bodleian Amra Choluimb Grille // Revue Celtique. 1899. Vol. 20. P.3155.

5.Bannerman J. Studies in the History of Dalriada. Edinburgh: Scottish Acedemic Press, 1974. 178 p.

6.Bedes Ecclesiastical History of the English People / ed. by B. Colgrave & R. Mynors. Oxford: Clarendon P., 1969. 618 p.

7.Cetri pr?mchenla Dl Riata // Dumville D. Cetri pr?mchenla Dl Riata // Scottish Gaelic Studies. 2000. Vol.20. P.175183.

8.De Moccaib Conaire //Gwynn L. De Moccaib Conaire // riu. 1912. Vol. 6. P.144152;

9.De S?L Chonairi Mr//Gwynn L. De S?L ChonairiMr//riu. 1912. Vol. 12. P.130142;

10.Dumville D. Ireland and North Britain in the Earlier Middle Ages: Context for Miniugud Senchusa Fher nAlban 11 Rannsachadh na Gaidhlig 2000: Papers Read at the Conference Scottish Gaelic Studies 2000 Held at the University of Aberdeen 24 August 2000 / ed. by C. Baoill & N. McGuire. Aberdeen: An Clo Gaidhealach, 2002. P.185212.

11.Dumville D. Political Organization of Dal Riata // Tome. Studies in Medieval Celtic History and Law in Honour of Thomas Charles-Edwards/ ed. by F. Edmonds & P. Russell. Woodbridge, Rochester: Boydell Press, 2011. P.4152.

12.Follet W. Cli D in Ireland. Monastic Writing and Identity in Early Middle Ages. Woodbridge, Rochester: Boydell Press, 2006. 253 p.

13.Fraser J. From Caledonia to Pictland. Scotland to 795. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009.436 p.

14.Irish Liber Hymnorum / Ed. by J. Bernard. London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1898. In 2 vol.

15.Life of St. Fechin of Fore // Strokes W. Life of St. Fechin of Fore // Revue Celtique. 1891. Vol. 12. P.318353.

16.Nieke M., Duncan H. Dalriada: the Establishment and Maintenance of an Early Historic Kingdom in Northern Britain // Power and Politics in Early Medieval Britain and Ireland / ed. by S. Driscoll & M. Nieke. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1988. P.621.

17.Poem in Praise of Columb Cille // Fergus K. A Poem in Praise of Columb Cille // riu. 1973. Vol. 24. P.134.

18.Senchus Fer n-Alban // Bannerman J. Senchus Fer n-Alban // Celtica. 1966. Vol. 7. P.154159.

19.Sharpe R. The Thriving of Dalriada / / Kings, Clerics and Chronicle in Scotland, 500-1297: Essays in Honour of Marjorie Ogilvie Anderson on Occasion of Her Ninetieth Birthday / ed. by S. Taylor. Dublin: Four Court Press, 2000. P.4761

20.The Annals of Innisfallen: (ms. Rawlinson B. 503) / ed. by S. Mac Airt. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1977. 596 p.

21.The Yellow Book of Lecan: acollection of pieces (prose and verse) in the Irish language, in part compiled at the end of the fourteenth century / ed by R. Atkinson. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy House, 1896. 468 p.



REFERENCES

1. Amra Choluim Chille in Vernam Hull. Amra Choluim Chille, Zeitschrift fiir celtische Philologie 28 (1961). P.24251.

2. Amra Choluimb Chille in Stokes Whitley. The Bodleian Amra Choluimb Chille, Revue Celtique 20 (1899). P.3155.

3.Beda Dostopochtennij. Zerkovnaja istorija naroda anglov, transl. Vadim Erlikhman. Saint Petersburg: Aleteja Publ., 2001. http://www.vostlit.info/Texts/rus5/Beda/frametextl.htm (date of access: 01.06.2015) (in Russian)

4.Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Bertram Colgrave, Roger Mynors. Oxford: Clarendon P., 1969. 618 p.

5.Bannerman John. Studies in the History of Dalriada. Edinburgh: Scottish Acedemic Press, 1974.178 .

6. Cetri pr?mchenla Dl Riata in Dumville David. Cetri pr?mchenla Dl Riata, Scottish Gaelic Studies 20 (2000). P.175183.

7. De Moccaib Conaire in Gwynn Lucius. De Moccaib Conaire, Eriu 6 (1912). P.144152.

8. De S?l Chonairi Mr in Gwynn Lucius De Sil Chonairi Mr, riu 12 (1912). P.130142.

9.Dumville David. Ireland and North Britain in the Earlier Middle Ages: Context for Miniugud Senchusa Fher nAlban in Rannsachadh na Gaidhlig 2000: Papers Read at the Conference Scottish Gaelic Studies 2000 Held at the University of Aberdeen 24 August 2000, ed. Colm  Baoill and Nancy McGuire. Aberdeen: An Clo Gaidhealach, 2002. P.185212.

10.Dumville David. Political Organization of Dal Riata in Tome. Studies in Medieval Celtic History and Law in Honour of Thomas Charles-Edwards, ed. Fiona Edmonds, Paul Russell. Woodbridge, Rochester: Boydell Press, 2011. P.4152.

11.Fyodorov Sergej, Palamarchuk Anastasija. Srednevekovaya Shotlandia. Saint Petersburg: Dmitrij Bulanin, 2014. 352 p. (in Russian)

12.Follet Westley. C?li D in Ireland. Monastic Writing and Identity in Early Middle Ages. Woodbridge, Rochester: Boydell Press, 2006. 253 p.

13.Fraser James. From Caledonia to Pictland. Scotland to 795. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009.436 p.

14.Irish Liber Hymnorum, ed. John Bernard. London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1898. In 2 vol.

15. Life of St. Fechin of Fore in Strokes Whitley. Life of St. Fechin of Fore, Revue Celtique 12(1891). P.318353.

16.Nieke Margaret, Duncan Holly. Dalriada: the Establishment and Maintenance of an Early Historic Kingdom in Northern Britain in Power and Politics in Early Medieval Britain and Ireland, ed. Stephen Driscoll and Margaret Nieke. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1988. P.621.

17. Poem in Praise of Columb Cille in Fergus Kelly. A Poem in Praise of Columb Cille, riu 24 (1973). P.134.

18. Senchus Fer n-Alban in Bannerman John. Senchus Fer n-Alban, Celtica 7 (1966). P.154159.

19.Sharpe Richard. The Thriving of Dalriada in Kings, Clerics and Chronicle in Scotland, 500-1297: Essays in Honour of Marjorie Ogilvie Anderson on Occasion of Her Ninetieth Birthday, ed. Simon Taylor. Dublin: Four Court Press, 2000. P.4761.

20.The Annals of Innisfallen: (ms. Rawlinson B. 503), ed. San Mac Airt. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1977. 596 p.

21.The Yellow Book of Lecan: acollection of pieces (prose and verse) in the Irish language, in part compiled at the end of the fourteenth century, ed. Robert Atkinson. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy House, 1896. 468 p.




         


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          ;     ,         .          ,         (, , )[30 -  . .        VIVIII. //    . , 1985. .911.].   ,                   ().             , ,  .

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       - (. ;     -).    -        .     ,      ,            -,     -,   ,         .        ,  -   [33 - Pritsak . Karachanidische Streitfrage // Oriens. Vol. 3. N. 2.1950. S. 41.].          ,      .       :                 .        (693716.),            .     .        ,            ,         .         ,   .     VIII.      .               ,    (,  ),     -  .       ,      .        .       ,       :        (     ),         ,     .               .  ,    VII.     ,        .              ,        ,  ,        .     (),     ,   .       ,     ,          .     : ,   ,             .            .       ,    ,   -.        ,    711.,      ,               .  ,        716.   .       :    ,          .             20    ,     ,  ,  ,  .       ,      ,     ,       .              .  ,      ,     .      (    )[34 -  . .   VIIIIX. ., 2001. .6170.],         ,     .           -,    ; ,     (. .??, : sulu, .: , : lang-kk).               .            ,         .     ,     .       ,      ,                   751.[35 - Lui Mau-tsai. Die chinesischen Nachrichten zur Geschichte der Ost-Turken (T' u-kue), Wiesbaden, 1958. S. 6671.] ,   VIII.              .          ,         .        :     ,          .                    ,           [36 -  . .   :    //   . , 1996. .3948.].              , ,    ,             [37 -  .   ./ . . . . . ., 2001. .4147.].       ,          ,        840.  .              ,     744.   20   ,         .              [38 -  . . .   // ., . II. 4.1. ., 1963. . 34, 78.].  ,        ,         .        ,   .

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   ,              ,          ,      .


* * *

 94(5) 04/14

  .     ,    .  , .

IVAN FUKALOV. Postgraduate student, Kyrgyz National University, Bishkek.

E-mail: fukalovl988(a)mail.ru.



         

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SACRALIZATION OF THE TERMINOLOGY OF POWER BY EARLY MEDIEVAL TURKIC PEOPLES OF CENTRAL ASIA

Medieval people shared perceptions about divinity of the governor  the bearer of the idea of the order, the participant of cosmological actions. Deification of the heads of the state was the important collective-psychological prerequisite of the processes of integration in Central Asian nomad societies. In our opinion, Turkic and Kirghiz governors possessed similar sacral positions. However, sources do not contain direct and solid description of the system of such perceptions. At the same time, the tradition of interpreting power in the categories of sacred, as well as any other phenomenon of culture, could not disappear, not having left any information. Modern researchers should pay great attention to decoding such information.

Obviously, the titles of governors played a special role in the attitude towards sacralization, which was inherited and, thus, the title became sacral, which should be noted as far as the titles tegin, tarhan, jabgu are concerned. Besides the function of denomination of the occupied position in the Khaganate, these titles had sacral meaning, making their owners more significant in the environment of Turkic elite. From the first steps of the history of the Turkic state the Turkic society was strictly hierarchical. The place and political heft of a member of society were in many respects defined by his title, quite often hereditary, which strengthened the position of its bearer in the system of social communications.

It is evident that Turkic and Kirghiz titles are closely connected with each other. The acquisition of the title was a very important moment in the life of a representative of a ruling layer of the state. This event and the description of merits were frequently recorded in the epitaph. The acquisition of the khagan title by Kirghiz governor meant not only the political art, but also the claim for possession of sacrality of the khagan in all its completeness.

Keywords: the Middle Ages; Turkic people; the power; religion; sacralization; the governor.



 

1. . . .   // ., . II. . 1. .: , 1963. .471543.

2. .   ./ . . . .  .:   , 2001.

3. . .  . .: , 2003. 575 .

4. . .   :    //   . , 1996. .3948.

5. . .   VHIIX. :  , 2001. 216 .

6. . .        VIVIII. //    . : , 1985. .165168.

7. . . ,         //   . 1984. . 25(9). .1625. 254 .

8. . .,  . .,  . .,  . .     : . . : .  , 1989. 241 .

9.Lui Mau-tsai. Die chinesischen Nachrichten zur Geschichte der Ost-Turken (T' u-kue). Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1958. 831 s.

10.Pritsak O. Karachanidische Streitfrage // Oriens. Vol. 3. N. 2. 1950. S. 209228.



REFERENCES

1.Bartold Vasilij. Kirgizy. Istoricheskij ocherk in Sochineniya. In 9 vol. Vol. II. Part 1. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1963. S. 471543. (in Russian).

2.Gumilev Lev. Drevnie tjurki. Moscow: Kristall Publ., 2003. (in Russian).

3.Kamalov Ablet. Drevnie ujgury VIIIIX vv. Almaty: Nash Mir Publ., 2001. (in Russian).

4.Kljashtornyj Sergej. Genealogija i hronologija zapadnotjurkskih i tjurgeshskih kaganov VIVIII w. in Iz istorii dorevoljucionnogo Kirgizstana. Frunze: Ilim Publ., 1985. S. 165168. (in Russian).

5.Kljashtornyj Sergej. Kagan, begi i nrod v pamjatnikah tjurkskoj runicheskoj pismennosti, Uchenye zapiski LGU25 (1984). P.1625. (in Russian).

6.Lvova Jeleonora, Oktjabrskaja Irina, Sagalaev Andrej, Usmanova Marjam. Tradicionnoe mirovozzrenie tjurkov Juzhnoj Sibiri: Chelovek. Obshhestvo. Novosibirsk: Nauka, Sibirskoje otdelenie Pubk, 1989. (in Russian). 241 p.

7.Lui Mau-tsai. Die chinesischen Nachrichten zur Geschichte der Ost-Turken (T'u-kue). Wiesbaden: . Harrassowitz, 1958. 831 s.

8.Pritsak O. Karachanidische Streitfrage, Oriens 3 (1950). 831 p. P.209228.

9.Videngren Geo. Mni i manihejstvo, transl. S. V. Ivanova Saint Petersburg: Izdatelskaja gruppa Evrazija Publ., 2001. (in Russian).

10.Zuev Jurij. Sozdanie Tjurgeshskogo kaganata: istorija i tradicija, in Jevoljucija gosudarstvennosti Kazahstana. Almaty, 1996. S. 3948. (in Russian).




German, Roman and Frankish: the national narratives of the early Hohenstaufen era (11381190) and their Influence on high Politics


Vedran Sulovsky



Shortly after the end of the investiture controversy, Henry V (11061125), the last emperor of the Salian dynasty, died childless. While Lothair III of Supplingenburg (11251137) succeeded him at first, at his death it was Conrad III of Hohenstaufen (11381152), who was elected king. His position was very weak: Saxony and Bavaria were his open enemies, while Italy fell into complete disarray. The new ruler desperately needed to boost his legitimacy, but he never really achieved this. It is difficult to tell how Conrad would have portrayed himself as a legitimate ruler, as no source commissioned by him remains. However, Otto of Freising s Chronica sive historia de duabus civitatibus, written in 1146 was revised in 1153 in order to be presented to Frederick Barbarossa (11521190), Conrads nephew and heir. However, only a small part of the text was actually revised. Otto of Freising, who was a close relative to the Hohenstaufen, apparently believed in the same 'national narrative as the Hohenstaufen, as other sources from the court of Frederick I prove.

Ottos view of world history is a complicated one. First of all, he conceives the Roman Empire as the last of the four empires as prophesized by Daniel, after whose end the world itself should end. The empire, however, migrated from one people to another for quite some time, having gone from the Romans to the Greeks, then to the Franks, who then lost it to the Langobards, who, in turn, lost it to the Franci Teutonici, the German Franks. During this migration the Roman Empire grew weak[39 - Otto of Freising. Chronica sive historia de duabus civitatibus, ed. A. Hofmeister, MGH SRG in usum scholarum separatim editi 45. Hannover, 1912. P.69.]. Both the Western, that is, Latin, Franks and the German Franks were descendants of the Trojans, who, upon escaping the burning city of lilium, split into two groups: while the future Romans followed Aeneas on his way to Latium, the future Franks went to Scythia and called themselves the Sicambri[40 - Ibid. P.5657.]. Interestingly, Otto describes the rise of the

Roman Empire as well as the history of the Franks[41 - Otto of Freising, Chronica siv historia P.6567 et passim.]. In fact, the history of the imprium itself takes pride on the place in his History of the Two Cities, whose title refers to the Church and the Empire, which are called the civitas Dei and the civitas terrena, respectively[42 - Ibid. P.99100.]. Christs birth during the times of Augustus (27 BC-14 AD) was described by Otto as the will of God, who wanted to make Rome the seat of the Church[43 - Ibid. P.141143.].

To Otto, the key moment of world history was the reign of Constantine the Great (306337), who Christianized the Roman Empire and united the civitas Dei and civitas terrena into the civitas permixta. However, Constantine moved the imprium to Constantinople and gave it to the Greeks. Whether Constantine gave the western part of the empire to Pope Sylvester I or not, Otto does not decide, but leaves it to the reader[44 - Ibid. P.180192.]. The fall of Rome is a dramatic episode in Ottos chronicle, followed a row of tyrannies in Italy until Justinians reconquest of it for the Romans[45 - Ibid. P.218237.]. From then on the chronicle traces the history of the Franks until Charlemagne renovated the Roman Empire under the Franks, finally transferring it away from Constantinople[46 - Ibid. P.244258.]. It is at this precise point that the two Trojan lines, the Roman and the Frankish, finally converge. After the Carolingians lost control of the empire, Henry I (919936) was elected king of Eastern Francia. For Otto of Freising this was the key moment in the history of his country, the Roman Empire, as it was disputed whether Henry I continued the regnum Francorum or started a regnum Teutonicorum. Otto solves the problem by stating that the regnum Teutonicorum, which held the imprium Romanum in his own day, was a part of the regnum Francorum. Finally, the imprium Romanum was conquered by Otto the Great from the Langobards in 962[47 - Ibid. P.262285.].

However, the problem of the Hohenstaufen Frankish ideology was that the Ottomans (919-1024) were a Saxon dynasty. In order to solve this problem, it was stated that Conrad IIs (10241038) wife, Gisela, was a descendant of Charlemagne, and therefore the throne ofGermany would return to the Franks under her descendants[48 - Otto of Freising. Chronica siv historia P.290291.]. This version of history was the official one in the 1150s, when Otto of Freising started writing the Gesta Friderici I. imperatoris in 1156, and which his chaplain Rahewin continued up to 1160[49 - C.Mierow (ed. and trans.). The Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa. New York, 1966. P.34.]. However, as this was a work of contemporary history, there are fewer ideological elements in it. Yet the main elements of the ideology are still present as both Otto and Rahewin invent Frederick Barbarossas speeches on his Italian campaigns. The speeches show several important elements of the identity of Barbarossas court:

l)they considered themselves Eastern Franks and Germans, 2) Charlemagne conquered the imprium from the Langobards for the West Franks, while Otto the Great conquered it again from the Langobards for the East Franks[50 - Otto of Freising. Ottonis Gesta Friderici I. imperatoris, in Georg Waitz and Bernhard von Simson (eds.), MGH SRG in usum scholarum separatim editi 46, Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Friderici I. imperatori. Hannover, 1912. P.1161, atp. 136139; Rahewin of Freising. Rahewini Gesta Friderici I. imperatoris, in Georg Waitz and Bernhard von Simson (eds.), MGH SRG in usum scholarum separatim editi 46. Ottonis et Rahewini. Gesta Friderici I. imperatoris. Hannover, 1912. P.162346, at p.202204.]. While the political character of Fredericks speeches and his goal to reestablish imperial rule in Italy is obvious, his source of legitimacy, the legacy of the Franks, was fervently denied by the Senate of Rome, which claimed that only the city of Rome may bestow the imprium Romanum upon a person, and that not even the pope could do so[51 - Otto of Freising. Gesta Friderici. P.4447,135139.]. The papacy and many Italian authors, however, believed that the imprium was the popes to give[52 - Rahewin of Freising. Gesta Friderici. P.172179.]. Even pro-Hohenstaufen authors such as Otto Morena[53 - Otto Morena. Ottonis Morenae eiusdemque continuatorum Libellus de rebus a Frederico imperatore gestis, in F.-J. Schmale (ed. and trans.), Italische Quellen iiber die Taten Kaiser Friedrichs I. in Italien und der Brief iiber den Kreuzzug Kaiser Friedrichs I. Darmstadt, 1986. P.34239, at s. 6062.] and the anonymous author of the Carmen de gestis Friderici I. in Lombardia held this view[54 - Anonymus. Carmen de gestis Frederici I. imperatoris in Lombardia, ed. I. Schmale-Ott, MGH SRG 62. Hannover, 1965. P. 3, 23.]. Frederick and his court, on the other hand, had a different view: the emperor was crowned by God while the pope was merely the physical instance through which God operated[55 - Rahewin of Freising. Gesta Friderici. P.187188.], just like God anointed David through his agent, the prophet Samuel[56 - Godfrey of Viterbo. Pantheon, in Georg Heinrich Pertz and Georg Waitz (eds.), MGH SS 22, Historici Germaniae saec. XII, 2. Hannover, 1872. P.107307, atp. 221222.].

The question is: what was at stake for both Conrad III and Frederick I? While the first could not force his opposition in Germany to submit, Frederick had practically no opposition there except in the 1180s. What they had in common was the plan to restore imperial rule over Italy and conquer the Kingdom of Sicily while giving out as few concessions to the papacy and the Byzantine Empire as possible[57 - /. Dendorfer. Konrad III. und Byzanz, in K.-H. Ruefi (ed.), Die Staufer und Byzanz. Gppingen, 2013. P.5873, at p.6869; K. Gorich. Friedrich Barbarossa und Byzanz, in K.-H. Ruefi (ed.), Die Staufer und Byzanz. Gppingen, 2013. P.7485, at p. 75.]. Both Conrad III and Frederick I were elected as kings when another candidate was the legal heir of the previous ruler: Conrad succeeded Lothair III instead of his son-in-law Henry X of Bavaria, and Frederick succeeded Conrad III instead of Conrads seven-year-old son Frederick[58 - K. Gorich. Friedrich Barbarossa: Eine Biographie. Munich, 2011. P. 56, 90-110.]. However, there is a difference between the two Hohenstaufen. While Conrad III died never having achieved unity in the empire, Fredericks catastrophic Italian campaign of 11661168 produced unexpected results: half his court had died of the plague, including his young cousin, Frederick of Rothenburg. Barbarossa was now free to crown his own son, Henry VI, junior king in 1169[59 - Ibid. P.418424.].

This change is reflected in the works of Godfrey of Viterbo, which contains a narrative revised for the different situation of the 1180s. Godfreys position as tutor to Henry VI makes his work even more interesting, as most of his works were apparently written for the education of the young king[60 - F. Hausmann. Gottfried von Viterbo: Kapellan und Notar, Magister, Geschichtsschreiber und Dichter, in A. Haverkamp (ed.), Friedrich Barbarossa. Handlungsspielrume und Wirkungsweisen des staufischen Kaisers. Sigmaringen, 1992. P.603621, atp. 605-68, 614615.]. A noticeable change in the narrative is that while Otto of Freising praised the elective principle of the imperial succession in the 1150s[61 - Otto of Freising. Gesta Friderici. P. 103.], already Godfrey of Viterbos first work, the Speculum regum, instructed Henry VI to look up to his ancestors, including Nimrod, whom God himself gave royal power, Jupiter, who was the first man to call himself a god, and Augustus, who founded the Roman Empire and almost proclaimed himself a god, but then had a vision of the Mother of God with Child[62 - Godfrey of Viterbo. Speculum regum, in Georg Heinrich Pertz and Georg Waitz (edd.), MGH SS 22, Historici Germaniae saec. XII, 2. Hannover, 1872. S. 2193, at p.6869.]. The Speculum's story of Constantine the Great is a different case altogether: Henry VI is taught that Constantine was a base foreigner who robbed Rome of her imprium and gave it to the Greculi[63 - Ibid. P.8081; Godfrey of Viterbo. Pantheon. P. 175.]. Moreover, he was an Arian heretic who introduced heresy to the whole world. Godfreys later works, including all the versions of the Pantheon, describe Constantine in line with Otto of Freising s Chronica[64 - Godfrey of Viterbo. Pantheon. P.175177.].

Godfreys history of the Franks is an even more ideologically biased. In one version, Clovis was baptized even before Constantine the Great was. Clovis was, therefore, more virtuous and beloved of God, just like his people, the Franks, were[65 - Ibid. P.156157.]. In Godfreys other versions of Frankish history a more realistic chronology is observed[66 - Ibid. P.201202.]. The Carolingian overthrow of the Merovingians is portrayed as a natural development of a people who could not bear feeble rulers[67 - Godfrey of Viterbo. Speculum regum, p.9091; Godfrey of Viterbo, Pantheon. P. 205.]. Godfrey retells the legend of Charlemagne, the main character in all of his works, differently each time. However, aside from the references to Davids anointment during Charlemagnes coronation by God, the most striking element found in Godfreys works is the reworked genealogy of Charlemagne. His father remains Pepin the Short (751758), who is described as a Frank, but his mother Bertrada becomes Berta, the granddaughter of Emperor Heraclius (610641). As Godfrey states, Charlemagne united the two Trojan lineages, the Frankish and the Roman-Greek, into one, thereby becoming the rightful ruler of the imprium Romanum[68 - Godfrey of Viterbo. Pantheon. P.206207.]. The rest of Godfreys Frankish and German history follows Otto of Freisings model[69 - Ibid. P. 225.].

The views of history presented here were not necessarily believed in by anyone outside the court. Moreover, some 'German authors, that is, northern Germans/Saxons, do not mention these theoretical constructs[70 - O. Engels. Friedrich Barbarossa im Urteil seiner Zeitgenossen, in O. Engels (ed.), Stauferstudien. Stuttgart, 1996. P.225245, atp. 243.].

The most likely conclusion as to why this is so is that there was no single unified German identity. While Miiller-Mertens proved that the elites of the various peoples we consider German today did have a sense of German identity as early as the 1110s[71 - E. Miiller-Mertens. Regnum Teutonicum. Berlin, 1970. S. 316317, 329341, 350, 376377.], it seems that every author related himself firstly to his locality and region, and only then to the larger regnum Teutonicum, regnum Francorum and imprium Romanum. As the Hohenstaufen court followed an agenda of conquest in Italy and the restoration of imperial rights in general, it was only logical that the courtly histories would take up more elements of Frankish and Roman histories and identities. In Italian eyes it was much easier when it came to defining the empire: it had always been and would always be only Roman[72 - Otto Morena. Xibellus. P.6062; Anonymus. Carmen. P. 3, 8 et passim; Anonymus. Civis Mediolanensis anonymi Narratio de Longobardie obpressione et subiectione, in F.-J. Schmale (ed. and trans.), Italische Quellen iiber die Taten Kaiser Friedrichs I. in Italien und der Brief iiber den Kreuzzug Kaiser Friedrichs I. Darmstadt, 1986. S. 240295, at s. 242.]. The opponents of the Hohenstaufen who appear as characters in the works of the Hohenstaufen supporters retain this distinction. For example, the Milanese are allowed to insult Barbarossa as merely a German in the Carmen de gestis[73 - Anonymus. Carmen. P.6364, 6770, 91.].

To sum up, the imperial court espoused a German, Roman and Frankish identity. Roman because the imprium itselfwas Roman, Frankish because Charlemagne took the imprium away from the Greeks, and German because Otto the Great won the imprium from the Langobards, thereby excluding the French from Charlemagnes legacy, the empire. While a German national identity was definitely in the background of this ideology, the imperial element is so much more present that it is more appropriate to conclude by saying that a Roman imperial identity existed at the court of the kings of Germany.


* * *

 94(430).024

BE   . ,   , , .

VEDRN SULOVSKY.  student, Central European University, Budapest, Hungary. E-mail: vedransulovsky(o)hotmail.com



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GERMAN, ROMAN AND FRANKISH: THE NATIONAL NARRATIVES OF THE EARLY HOHENSTAUFEN ERA (11381190) AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON HIGH POLITICS

Just as modern Europe has contested national identities, some of which have been challenged in the great upheaval following the fall of the Soviet Union, so did Medieval Europe have many similar phenomena. A particularly interesting case is the Holy Roman Empire, as it was multi-national state which wavered between the Frankish, Roman and German identities. While some rulers, for example Charlemagne and Otto the Great, thought the Frankish identity to be the most important one, other, such as Louis the Pious or Otto III, believed that the Roman identity should be only relevant one.

This, however, had been contested by Italian writers since 1000, eventually leading to a renunciation of the Empires Roman and Imperial character by Gregory VII in the 1070s. Since then the term Teutonicus rose to the forefront of European diplomacy as a disparagement of the would-be Roman emperors. German authors slowly started using the term themselves, even though it was primarily used by pro-Papal writers at first. By the time of Conrad III (11381152), however, the German identity was commonly accepted by German writers, although the Frankish and Roman identities had still not been completely forgotten.

During the following half century, differing national narratives were implicitly accepted by various persons. While Conrad III and Frederick I (11521190) exhibited a more Frankish-based political worldview, the Roman Commune and the Papacy embraced two very different Roman identities. Among other Italian authors the rulers were perceived in markedly different fashions: imperialists called the emperor a Roman, while others called him a German barbarian. A Frank he could not be, as by this point this meant only the French  in Italian eyes. For German authors, however, no doubt existed: they were both German and Frankish, and sometimes even Roman, depending on the situation.

Keywords: German; Frankish; Roman; Conrad III (11381190); Frederick I (11521190); Rome, the Papacy; identity; coidentity; contested identity.



  (REFERENCES)

1.Anonymus. Carmen de gestis Frederici I. imperatoris in Lombardia, ed. Irene Schmale-Ott. MGH SRG 62. Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung,1965. 125 s.

2.Anonymus. Civis Mediolanensis anonymi Narratio de Longobardie obpressione et subiectione", Italische Quellen Uber die Taten Kaiser Friedrichs L, Italien und der Brief Uber den KreuzzugKaiser Friedrichs I, hrsg. Franz-Josef Schmale. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1986. S. 240295.

3.Dendorfer Jurgen. Konrad III. und Byzanz, in Die Staufer und Byzanz. hrsg. Karl.-Heinz. Ruefi, Gppingen: Gesellschaft fur Staufische Geschichte, 2013. S. 5873.

4.Engels Odilo. Friedrich Barbarossa im Urteil seiner Zeitgenossen, in Stauferstudien: Beitrage zur Geschichte der Staufer im 12. Jahrhundert, hrsg. Odilo Engels. Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1996. S. 225245.

5.Godfrey of Viterbo. Pantheon, in MGH SS 22, Historici Germaniae saec. XII, 2, hrsg. Georg Heinrich Pertz und Georg Waitz, Hannover: Hahn, 1872. S. 107307.

6.Godfrey of Viterbo. Speculum regum, in MGH SS 22, Historici Germaniae saec. XII, 2, hrsg. Georg Heinrich Pertz und Georg Waitz, Hannover: Hahn, 1872. S. 2193.

7.Grich Knut. Friedrich Barbarossa: Fine Biographie. Munchen: . H. Beck, 2011. 782 s.

8.Grich Knut. Friedrich Barbarossa und Byzanz", Die Staufer und Byzanz, hrsg. Karl.-Heinz. Ruefi, Gppingen: Gesellschaft fur Staufische Geschichte, 2013. S. 7485.

9.Hausmann Friedrich. Gottfried von Viterbo: Kapellan und Notr, Magister, Geschichtsschreiber und Dichter", Friedrich Barbarossa. Handlungsspielrume und Wirkungsweisen des staufischen Kaisers, hrsg. Alfred Haverkamp. Sigmaringen: J. Thorbecke, 1992. S. 603-21.

10.Mierow Charles, ed. and trans. The Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1966. 366 p.

11.Miiller-Mertens Eckhard. Regnum Teutonicum. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1970. 416 s.

12.Otto Morena. Ottonis Morenae eiusdemque continuatorum Libellus de rebus a Frederico imperatore gestis", Italische Quellen Uber die Taten Kaiser Friedrichs I. in Italien und der Brief uber den Kreuzzug Kaiser Friedrichs I, hrsg. Franz-Josef Schmale. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1986. S. 34-239.

13.Otto of Freising. Chronica sive historia de duabus civitatibus, hrsg. Adolf Hofmeister, MGH SRG, Usum scholarum separatim editi 45. Hannoverae et Lipsiae: impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1912. 577 s.

14.Otto of Freising. Ottonis Gesta Friderici I. Imperatori", MGH SRG, Usum scholarum separatim editi 46, Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Friderici I. Imperatoris, hrsg. Georg Waitz und Bernhard von Simson. Hannoverae et Lipsiae: impensis bibliopolii Hahniani 1912. 385 s. P.1161.

15.Rahewin of Freising. Rahewini Gesta Friderici I. imperatoris", MGH SRG in usum scholarum separatim editi 46, Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Friderici I. imperatoris,




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notes








1


 .     / . B.B. . ., 2001. URL: http://www.vostlit.info/Texts/rus5/Beda/frametextl.htm ( : 01.06.2015); Bedes Ecclesiastical History of the English People / ed. by B. Colgrave & R. Mynors. Oxford, 1969.




2


 ; Ibid.




3


 . ?., . .  . ., 2014.




4


Annals of Innisfallen / Ed. by S. Mac Airt. Dublin, 1977. 503.1.




5


Fraser J. From Caledonia to Pictland. Scotland to 795. Edinburgh, 2009. P. 145.




6


Dumville D. Cetri pr?mchenla Dil Riata // Scottish Gaelic Studies. 2000. Vol. 20. P.175183.




7


Nieke ., Duncan . Dalriada: the Establisment and Meitenance of an Early Historic Kingdom in Northern Britain // Power and Politics in Early Medieval Britain and Ireland / ed. by S. Driscoll & M. Nieke. Edinburgh, 1988. P.621; Sharpe R. The Thriving of Dalriada 11 Kings, Clerics and Chronicle in Scotland, 500-1297: Essays in Honour of Marjorie Ogilvie Anderson on Occasion of Her Ninetieth Birthday / ed. by S. Taylor. Dublin P.4761; Dumville D. Cethri Primchenla Dil Riata // Scottish Gaelic Studies. 2000. Vol. 20. P.170191; Idem. Ireland and North Britain in the Earlier Middle Ages: Context for Miniugud Senchusa Fher nAlban // Rannsachadh na Gaidhlig 2000: Papers Read at the Conference Scottish Gaelic Studies 2000 Held at the University of Aberdeen 24 August 2000 / ed. by C.  Baoill & N. McGuire. Aberdeen, 2002. P.185212; Idem. Political Organization of Dal Riata / / Tome. Studies in Medieval Celtic History and Law in Honour of Thomas Charles-Edwards/ ed. by F. Edmonds & P. Russell. The Boydell Press, 2011. P.4152.




8


Dumville D. Cetri primchenla Dl P.170173.




9


Dumville D. Cetri primchenla Dl P. 172. Fraser J. From Caledonia to Pictland P. 146.




10


T  H        L,    McF : Bannerman J. Senchus Fer n-Alban // Celtica. 1966. Vol. 7. P.154157,157-159.




11


Bannerman /. Studies in the History of Dalriada. Edinburgh, 1974.




12


Bannerman J. Senchus Fer n-Alban P. 152.




13


,      gabsat Albain (  )      IX.,                 ,    -  . Bannerman /. Studies in the .118119.




14


, Loam  ()  Loarn  (); Fergus  ()  Fergus  ()    ,      , BannermanJ. Senchus Fern-Alban P.154157.




15


Bannerman /. Studies in the . 120.




16


            (Genelaig Albanensium)   (   Rawlinson . 502)        .   ,  McF,   . Bannerman J. Senchus Fer n-Alban P. 157.




17


Bannerman J. Senchus Fer n-Alban P. 155.




18


   : Bannerman J. Studies in the P.6264; 108111.




19


           ;         ,  ,  .




20


               . ,      : Gwynn L. De Moccaib Conaire // riu. 1912. Vol. 6. P.144152; Gwynn L. De S?L Chonairi Mr // riu. 1912. Vol. 12. P.130142; Irish Liber Hymnorum / Ed. by J. Bernard. London, 1898. N. 33;   .  (. 660): Strokes W. Life of St. Fechin of Fore 11 Revue Celtique. 1891. Vol.12. P.318353; Follet W. Cli D in Ireland. Monastic Writing and Identity in the Early Middle Ages. Woodbridge, 2006.




21


     :    ,            ,     ,     .        (Na Tri Coirpri).




22


 ,  \  ,     ,       VXVI .




23


Gwynn L.De Moccaib Conaire P.144152; Gwynn L. De SiL Chonairi P.130142.




24


     VIIVIII. Leabhar Buidhe Lecain, or Yellow Book of Lecan:  I  II (col. 12, P.436437  col. 125128, P.434435); Stokes W. The Bodleian Amra Choluimb Chille // Revue Celtique. 1899. Vol. 20. P.3155, 132183, 248289, 400437; Vernam E. Amra Choluim Chille // Zeitschrift fur Celtische Philologie. 1961. Vol.28. P.24251; Fergus K. A Poem in Praise of Columb Cille // riu. 1973. Vol. 24. P.134.




25


BannermanJ. Studies in the P. 44.




26


Stokes W. The Bodleian Amra P. 43.




27


Bannerman J. Studies in the P. 44, 122124; Bannerman J. Senchus Fer n-Alban P.222224 (); 254255 (   )




28


.     . : Bannerman J. Studies in the . 119.




29


 . .,  . .,  . .,  . .     : . . , 1989. . 113.




30


 . .        VIVIII. //    . , 1985. .911.




31


 . ,         //   . 1984. . 25(9). .1625.




32


 . .  . ., 2003. . 108.




33


Pritsak . Karachanidische Streitfrage // Oriens. Vol. 3. N. 2.1950. S. 41.




34


 . .   VIIIIX. ., 2001. .6170.




35


Lui Mau-tsai. Die chinesischen Nachrichten zur Geschichte der Ost-Turken (T' u-kue), Wiesbaden, 1958. S. 6671.




36


 . .   :    //   . , 1996. .3948.




37


 .   ./ . . . . . ., 2001. .4147.




38


 . . .   // ., . II. 4.1. ., 1963. . 34, 78.




39


Otto of Freising. Chronica sive historia de duabus civitatibus, ed. A. Hofmeister, MGH SRG in usum scholarum separatim editi 45. Hannover, 1912. P.69.




40


Ibid. P.5657.




41


Otto of Freising, Chronica siv historia P.6567 et passim.




42


Ibid. P.99100.




43


Ibid. P.141143.




44


Ibid. P.180192.




45


Ibid. P.218237.




46


Ibid. P.244258.




47


Ibid. P.262285.




48


Otto of Freising. Chronica siv historia P.290291.




49


C.Mierow (ed. and trans.). The Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa. New York, 1966. P.34.




50


Otto of Freising. Ottonis Gesta Friderici I. imperatoris, in Georg Waitz and Bernhard von Simson (eds.), MGH SRG in usum scholarum separatim editi 46, Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Friderici I. imperatori. Hannover, 1912. P.1161, atp. 136139; Rahewin of Freising. Rahewini Gesta Friderici I. imperatoris, in Georg Waitz and Bernhard von Simson (eds.), MGH SRG in usum scholarum separatim editi 46. Ottonis et Rahewini. Gesta Friderici I. imperatoris. Hannover, 1912. P.162346, at p.202204.




51


Otto of Freising. Gesta Friderici. P.4447,135139.




52


Rahewin of Freising. Gesta Friderici. P.172179.




53


Otto Morena. Ottonis Morenae eiusdemque continuatorum Libellus de rebus a Frederico imperatore gestis, in F.-J. Schmale (ed. and trans.), Italische Quellen iiber die Taten Kaiser Friedrichs I. in Italien und der Brief iiber den Kreuzzug Kaiser Friedrichs I. Darmstadt, 1986. P.34239, at s. 6062.




54


Anonymus. Carmen de gestis Frederici I. imperatoris in Lombardia, ed. I. Schmale-Ott, MGH SRG 62. Hannover, 1965. P. 3, 23.




55


Rahewin of Freising. Gesta Friderici. P.187188.




56


Godfrey of Viterbo. Pantheon, in Georg Heinrich Pertz and Georg Waitz (eds.), MGH SS 22, Historici Germaniae saec. XII, 2. Hannover, 1872. P.107307, atp. 221222.




57


/. Dendorfer. Konrad III. und Byzanz, in K.-H. Ruefi (ed.), Die Staufer und Byzanz. Gppingen, 2013. P.5873, at p.6869; K. Gorich. Friedrich Barbarossa und Byzanz, in K.-H. Ruefi (ed.), Die Staufer und Byzanz. Gppingen, 2013. P.7485, at p. 75.




58


K. Gorich. Friedrich Barbarossa: Eine Biographie. Munich, 2011. P. 56, 90-110.




59


Ibid. P.418424.




60


F. Hausmann. Gottfried von Viterbo: Kapellan und Notar, Magister, Geschichtsschreiber und Dichter, in A. Haverkamp (ed.), Friedrich Barbarossa. Handlungsspielrume und Wirkungsweisen des staufischen Kaisers. Sigmaringen, 1992. P.603621, atp. 605-68, 614615.




61


Otto of Freising. Gesta Friderici. P. 103.




62


Godfrey of Viterbo. Speculum regum, in Georg Heinrich Pertz and Georg Waitz (edd.), MGH SS 22, Historici Germaniae saec. XII, 2. Hannover, 1872. S. 2193, at p.6869.




63


Ibid. P.8081; Godfrey of Viterbo. Pantheon. P. 175.




64


Godfrey of Viterbo. Pantheon. P.175177.




65


Ibid. P.156157.




66


Ibid. P.201202.




67


Godfrey of Viterbo. Speculum regum, p.9091; Godfrey of Viterbo, Pantheon. P. 205.




68


Godfrey of Viterbo. Pantheon. P.206207.




69


Ibid. P. 225.




70


O. Engels. Friedrich Barbarossa im Urteil seiner Zeitgenossen, in O. Engels (ed.), Stauferstudien. Stuttgart, 1996. P.225245, atp. 243.




71


E. Miiller-Mertens. Regnum Teutonicum. Berlin, 1970. S. 316317, 329341, 350, 376377.




72


Otto Morena. Xibellus. P.6062; Anonymus. Carmen. P. 3, 8 et passim; Anonymus. Civis Mediolanensis anonymi Narratio de Longobardie obpressione et subiectione, in F.-J. Schmale (ed. and trans.), Italische Quellen iiber die Taten Kaiser Friedrichs I. in Italien und der Brief iiber den Kreuzzug Kaiser Friedrichs I. Darmstadt, 1986. S. 240295, at s. 242.




73


Anonymus. Carmen. P.6364, 6770, 91.


